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Date: April 30, 2024 Tue
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Results for socio-economic conditions
14 results foundAuthor: Dutta, Mousumi Title: Determinants of Crime Rates: Crime Deterrence and Growth in Post-Liberalized India Summary: Becker’s analysis of crime and punishment has initiated a series of theoretical and empirical works investigating the determinants of crime. However, there is a dearth of literature in the context of developing countries. This paper is an attempt to address this deficiency. The paper investigates the relative impact of deterrence variables (load on police force, arrest rates, charge sheet rates, conviction rates and quick disposal of cases) and socio-economic variables (economic growth, poverty,, urbanization and education) on crime rates in India. State-level data is collected on the above variables for the period 1999 to 2005. Zellner’s SURE model is used to estimate the model. Subsequently, this is extended by introducing endogeneity. The results show that both deterrence and socioeconomic factors are important in explaining crime rates. However, some of their effects are different from that observed in studies for developed countries. Details: Munich: University Library of Munich, 2009. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 21, 2010 at: http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/14478/1/MPRA_paper_14478.pdf Year: 2009 Country: India URL: http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/14478/1/MPRA_paper_14478.pdf Shelf Number: 120039 Keywords: Crime RatesDeterrenceSocio-Economic Conditions |
Author: Thaler, Kai Title: Weapons, Violence and Personal Security in Cape Town Summary: Given the high levels of crime and violence in South Africa, there may be a temptation for citizens to arm themselves for protection. Using quantitative survey data from the Cape Area Panel Study and qualitative interviews with residents of high-violence neighborhoods, this paper examines the question of who carries weapons outside the home in Cape Town and what the effects of weapon carrying may be. Multiple regression analysis is used to test the significance of possible socioeconomic drivers of weapon carrying and the results are discussed in the South African social context. Weapon carrying is found to be associated with both assault perpetration and victimization, suggesting that it is part of a violent lifestyle in which weapon carriers are likely to use their weapons both offensively and defensively. Possible weapon-related policies for violence reduction are also discussed. Details: Brighton, UK: Households in Conflict Network, Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex, 2010. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: HiCN Working Paper 85: Accessed November 5, 2010 at: http://www.hicn.org/papers/wp85.pdf Year: 2010 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.hicn.org/papers/wp85.pdf Shelf Number: 120191 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsSocio-Economic ConditionsViolenceViolent CrimeWeapons (South Africa) |
Author: Windsor, Liliane Cambraia Title: Substance Use and Treatment in Newark: Voices from African-American Distressed Communities Summary: Community distress and substance abuse are often conjoined social problems. An exemplar where this exists is Newark, a large city located in Essex County, New Jersey. The average annual income in Newark is $13,009; 42% of residents 24 and older do not complete high school; and 54% are African-American. Newark’s African-American residents consistently show poorer health and socio-economic outcomes when compared to the neighboring areas. Newark has the highest prevalence rates for substance use and HIV/AIDS in the State of New Jersey. Heroin represents the most significant narcotic problem in Newark and accounts for more admissions to treatment centers than all other substances combined. The Newark Eligible Metropolitan Areas HIV Planning Council in a 2005 survey of 221 substance abusers reported that as many as 44% of the sample was HIV positive. African-Americans represent 78% of persons living with HIV/AIDS in Newark. Young adults abuse heroin at a rate twice as high as the national average, and heroin accounts for 90% of substance abuse intervention admissions. Unlike New York State, syringe exchange programs are scarce, underfunded, and stigmatized in New Jersey, creating significant barriers to clean syringes without a prescription. Such barriers have significant implications for HIV and Hepatitis infection risks. In fact, HIV and Hepatitis infection rates among injection drug users (IDU) are substantially greater in Newark than in New York City. In light of the harmful and disproportionate consequences of substance abuse in Newark’s distressed neighborhoods, it is important to understand community views regarding substance use and treatment when developing policies and culturally-tailored interventions to reduce substance use and HIV risk behaviors. The current study, supported by the Center on Behavioral Health Science & Criminal Justice Research, proposed to engage individuals from low-income African-American communities in Newark (from here on “Newark” refers to Newark’s distressed neighborhoods) to develop a framework that can inform the development and/or adaptation of substance abuse treatment and HIV prevention programs in ways that are culturally relevant for low-income African-Americans. In this study distress means high poverty levels, low educational attainment, large numbers of liquor stores in the neighborhood, presence of a significant street drug market, high drug related violence, and presence of dilapidated buildings. The study aimed to: (1) examine the role of alcohol and other drug use among Newark’s distressed neighborhoods and (2) identify these communities’ needs related to alcohol and drug treatment. Details: New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Behavioral Health Services & Criminal Justice Research, Rutgers University, 2010. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed October 5, 2011 at: http://cbhs.rutgers.edu/pdfs/Policy_Brief_Sept_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://cbhs.rutgers.edu/pdfs/Policy_Brief_Sept_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 122989 Keywords: African AmericansDrug Addiction and AbuseDrug TreatmentSocio-Economic ConditionsSubstance Use and Abuse (New Jersey)Urban Neighborhoods |
Author: Lindekilde, Lassee Title: Impact of Counter-Terrorism on Communities: Denmark Background Report Summary: This report provides background information for understanding and assessing the impact and effectiveness of Danish counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation policies on minority ethno-cultural communities, in particular Muslim ones. The report contextualises questions of impact – positive as well as negative – in Denmark in terms of the demographic/socio-economic profile of immigrants; general perceptions of threats from terrorism and perceptions of discrimination experienced by minorities; the legal framework of counter-terrorism; policies of radicalisation prevention and their implementation in practice; key institutional structures of counter-terrorism and division of labour; high profile terrorist court-cases; and developments in the general political climate and public discourse regarding issues of ‘integration’ and security. Part 1 of this report focuses on the demographic and socio-economic profile of minority communities in Denmark and on their perceptions of discrimination. It shows that immigrants from non-Western countries and their descendants, most of whom are of Muslim origin, currently make up 6.8% of the Danish population, a proportion which is expected to increase to around 10% by 2050. These communities are of relatively recent origin: nearly all came after 1967, and 67% arrived in, or were born in, Denmark after 1980. Their socio-economic profile indicates relative disadvantage. Even allowing for the fact that they are younger than the general population, they are disproportionately absent from the labour market: only 50% of those of working age are employed, against 74% of ethnic Danes. 75% of ethnic Danes but only 49% of descendants from non-Western countries complete some form of further or vocational education. Those immigrants and descendants from non-Western countries who are employed are generally found at the lowest levels of the labour market. With regard to discrimination, one regular survey shows perceptions of discrimination on grounds of ethnicity/religion declining from 40% in 2000 to 31% in 2011, with discrimination encountered primarily in the workplace. Official figures for hate crimes report only a handful each year, but these figures are probably not reliable, and one survey reported a suspected racial motive in 10% of cases of violence and vandalism. Part 2 introduces the legal context of counter-terrorism in Denmark. It shows how Danish counterterrorism legislation was introduced in two main packages, one in 2002 and one in 2006, and looks at checks on counter-terrorism powers, both formal and in the shape of reactions in the public debate. In general, the 2002 and 2006 packages simply implement Council of the European Union, Council of Europe and United Nations resolutions, while the definition of terrorism employed is taken almost wordfor- word from the Council of the European Union resolution. Where Danish legislation has gone beyond these international models is primarily in regard to electronic surveillance and data collection, most notably in increasing access by the internal security service to the wealth of centrally linked, very detailed and generally accurate data concerning all individuals resident in Denmark that is held by various government departments and agencies. The use of secret evidence is also permitted in terrorism cases. Police gained stop-and-search powers in specified areas of Denmark in 2004, but in response to gang violence rather than terrorism. These powers are perceived to have been used especially against minority youths. Checks on all these powers consist primarily of international human rights law, which has occasionally been invoked in Danish courts, sometimes with success. There has been much public criticism surrounding the use of secret evidence to land convictions, and notably concern that in at least one case, a police informant may have been acting as an agent provocateur. Part 3 deals with Danish counter-radicalisation policies, while providing an overview of how these are perceived by the general public and by minority communities. This part shows how comprehensive counter-radicalisation measures were implemented in Denmark by one government in 2009 and then tacitly revised by another in 2011-12. The 2009 policy defined extremism very widely to include intolerant ideas and attitudes, and its counter-radicalisation measures included spreading information concerning democracy and citizenship. These and other measures were implemented by a range of local government bodies, building on existing practices, and coordinated and reinforced by a central government body. They included targeted interventions, initially by local government and mentors and ultimately by the internal security service. Of these measures, only the targeted interventions have been retained since the change of government in 2011. Part 3 also covers arrangements for oversight of both the internal security and foreign intelligence services, which are currently being revised following a number of controversial events, only one of which was connected to terrorism. Looking at the level of general trust and experiences of discrimination by the police among ethnic minority groups, it can be concluded that although trust is relatively high in comparative terms, there are groups of predominantly young male immigrant descendants living in urban areas who socialise little with ethnic Danes, who in general have lower average trust in the police and who experience a high level of police discrimination, notably in connection with ‘inspection zones’ in which stop-and-search powers can be used. Part 4 focuses on security threats and cases of terrorism in Denmark. There has been no successful terrorist attack in Denmark since 2001, but there have been thirteen high-profile terrorist cases. Two of these involved the extreme left, while extreme right-wing violence has not so far been prosecuted as terrorism in Denmark, though there are signs of changes in attitudes since the Breivik attacks. Two cases involved attempted attacks on Kurt Westergaard, the cartoonist responsible for the best-known cartoon published during the Cartoon Crisis (the one of the prophet Muhammad with a bomb in his turban), and four cases involved attempted attacks from outside Denmark against the offices of Jyllands-Posten, the newspaper that printed the cartoons. Other cases involved assistance to, or preparation for, terrorism; no targets were actually established. Part 5 offers a brief account of the development of the political climate in Denmark with regard to counter-terrorism and minority communities from 2001 until today. It shows that three events have had a significant impact on majority-minority relations in Denmark since 2001. One was the 2001 election campaign, which focused on ‘new politics’ issues of immigration, identity, and security. The second was the Cartoon Crisis of 2005-06, which took place against the background of the ‘new politics’ issues that had emerged in 2001, and caused a division in the public mind between ‘good Muslims’ and ‘bad Muslims’, as well as playing a part in the development of the original counter-radicalisation policies considered in part 3 of this report. The third was the election of 2011, which marked a turn away from the identity questions that had dominated the political agenda over the previous decade, and led to subsequent modifications in counter-radicalisation policies. Whether this last change will prove temporary or permanent remains to be seen. Part 6 of this report presents and discusses existing academic and official literature dealing with the impact and effectiveness of counter-terrorism measures and of radicalisation prevention policies on minority groups in Denmark. Counter-terrorism measures might be considered a success in the sense that there has been no successful terrorist attack in Denmark, but less so in terms of the possible contribution to the construction of Danish Muslims as a ‘suspect community’. Radicalisation prevention policies may be judged a success in terms of output, but outcomes are harder to assess. Some interventions may have worked, but certain academic studies, notably that of Lindekilde, indicate that counter-radicalisation discourses may have had an opposite impact from that intended, whether through frustrations generated by role-model campaigns or through the exclusion from the public debate of voices that fear accusations of radicalism, leaving the field open to those who have may have less to lose from such accusations. Three methodological challenges are identified: the case-based and anecdotal nature of the available data, which makes generalisation of impacts and valid conclusions on causality difficult; the difficulty of excluding alternative explanations of observed impact; and the often multiple, layered and abstract policy objectives, that create major problems in designing clear indicators of success. Details: London: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2012. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 2, 2012 at: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Country_report_Denmark_AD_15_Oct_forwebsite.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Denmark URL: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Country_report_Denmark_AD_15_Oct_forwebsite.pdf Shelf Number: 126852 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism (Denmark)MinoritiesRacial DiscriminationRadical GroupsRadicalizationRight-Wing ViolenceSocio-Economic ConditionsTerrorists |
Author: Title: Implementing Peace and Security Architecture (II): Southern Africa Summary: The last part of Africa to be decolonised, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, remains one of the most peaceful. Yet, despite comprehensive protocols and agreements, SADC faces acute challenges characterised by tensions between member states, resource deficits, citizens’ exclusion, social discontent and limited internal and external coordination. Regional security cooperation requires adept infrastructures underwritten by political commitment; but the organisation’s Secretariat appears powerless to ensure policy implementation. It must develop an effective common security policy framework, improve coordination with international partners, harmonise and clarify its role with other SADC structures, broaden engagement with civil society, ensure member-state commitment to African Union (AU) efforts on human and people’s rights and build capacity for evaluation and monitoring. As long as national sovereignty prevails over regional interests, however, the success of SADC mechanisms, notably in conflict resolution, will remain limited. The region faces a range of evolving peace and security threats, including maritime security and piracy, cyber and technology-driven security threats, and socio-economic unrest. Beyond efforts to respond to these challenges, policy implementation capacity and information and response mechanisms are urgently required. SADC’s intervention in Madagascar and Zimbabwe has exposed the region’s limited capacity to enforce agreements it has brokered. Ad hoc and under-resourced mediation imposes additional burdens and responsibilities on the mediators. Civil society engagement in SADC processes in the two countries has been at best tangential, confirming the gulf between the regional body and its citizens. The Madagascar and Zimbabwe cases also highlight that structural governance deficits and politicised security sectors exacerbate conflict. SADC’s mediation efforts reveal the complexities and challenges of dealing with unconstitutional changes in government, contested elections and violations of the region’s electoral code. Details: Johannesburg; Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2012. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Africa Report No. 191: Accessed November 2, 2012 at: Year: 2012 Country: South Africa URL: Shelf Number: 126854 Keywords: CybercrimesMaritime CrimesMaritime SecurityPiracy (South Africa)Socio-Economic Conditions |
Author: Eijkman, Quirine Title: Impact of Counter-Terrorism on Communities: Netherlands Background Report Summary: This country report sets the context for research on the impact of counter-terrorism legislation and policies on racial, ethnic and religious minority communities in the Netherlands. Despite the fact that over the last decade various security measures have been assessed, there are few studies on their context-specific effect. This report discusses the Dutch population and community situation, the counter-terrorism legal framework, its policy and policing background as well as security and political perspectives. It concludes that, in the years since 9/11, the Madrid and London terror attacks, and the murder of filmmaker and Islam-critic Theo van Gogh, fear of terrorism has decreased. Furthermore, the general public appears more concerned about the effect that security measures have on their civil rights and liberties. Public security and crime-prevention remain high on the political agenda and various trends, including the emergence of anticipatory criminal justice, the use and availability of ethnic data and the strength of populist parties mobilising around (cr)immigration and integration, have made the risk of side-effects of security measures for minority communities more pertinent. The apparently decreased political and public support for the anti-discrimination framework and the weak socio-economic position and institutional representation of ethnic minorities and migrants, contribute to the necessity of sound empirical research on the impact of security measures on minority, especially Muslim, communities in the Netherlands. Details: London: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2012. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 5, 2012 at: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Netherlands_FINAL.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Netherlands URL: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Netherlands_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 126880 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism (Netherlands)MinoritiesMuslimsRacial DiscriminationRadical GroupsSocio-Economic ConditionsTerrorists |
Author: Ramalingam, Vidhya Title: Impact of Counter-Terrorism on Communities: Sweden Background Report Summary: This report provides an overview of the development of counter-terrorism policies and policing in Sweden, and the impact these have had on minority communities in Sweden, particularly Muslim communities. The report presents existing research and information on demographics and socio-economic contexts of ethnic minority communities, the development of a legal framework to address terrorism, the history of policy and policing with regard to counter-terrorism, the security context and attitudes towards counter-terrorism, and the political context surrounding migration, citizenship and terrorism. Part One outlines the history and current context of immigration and settlement of ethnic minority groups in Sweden, and provides a background on Sweden’s demographics. In recent years, ethnic minorities, and Muslim communities in particular, have been a major focus of counter-terrorism measures and discourse in Sweden. This section provides an overview of Muslim migration to and settlement in Sweden, and the mixed and unfavourable outcomes for Muslims and other minority groups in the labour market, education and housing. It sets out recent data on ethnic and religious discrimination in Sweden, particularly towards Muslims after 9/11. Finally, this section outlines levels of cooperation between the government and Muslim civil society organisations, and notes that there have been high levels of cooperation; Muslim civil society organisations have also received generous funding from the state and Swedish foundations. Part Two details the key legislation used in relation to counter-terrorism in Sweden. Sweden was first confronted with acts of terrorism in the early 1970s, and the government introduced the first anti-terrorist legislation in 1973. It sets out the criminalisation of terrorist attacks, legal definitions of terrorism, and the institution of special laws on criminal responsibility for financing terrorism. This section furthermore discusses the legal framework for investigatory measures and surveillance, including the controversial FRA law which had allowed the National Defence Radio Establishment to monitor all phone and email communications to and within Sweden without warrant, and, after heavy criticism, was amended in 2009 to improve privacy. Part Two ends with a discussion of checks and balances on counter-terrorism measures and laws. Part Three covers the policy context for counter-terrorism, providing an overview of the key policies in place to counter terrorism and violent extremism in Sweden. These include the ‘Action plan to safeguard democracy against violence-promoting extremism’, presented in December 2011, and ‘Sweden’s national counter-terrorism strategy’, presented by the government in February 2012. This section presents the key institutional structures, including the structure of the Swedish Police Service, and roles and responsibilities in countering terrorism in Sweden. It then outlines mechanisms for accountability within for these structures, detailing parliamentary committees and consultations set up to scrutinise the work of the police and other institutions. The section ends with a discussion of police behaviour and incidences of police misconduct and discrimination in Sweden. Several key incidents have drawn attention to the problem of racial profiling by the police in Sweden. Part Four discusses Swedish experiences with terrorism, providing an account of terrorist incidents in Sweden since the early 1970s, when cases of Croatian separatist terrorism brought terrorism onto the political agenda. This section includes the numbers of arrests, trials and convictions for terrorism offences in Sweden, and details several key events in recent years that have contributed to increased concerns about terrorism. This includes the 2007 publication of a series of cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad, which sparked protests and violent threats towards Sweden and the cartoonist himself. The most recent significant terrorist attack on Swedish soil was the December 2010 suicide bombing in Stockholm, perpetrated by a Swedish citizen of Iraqi descent. This section also discusses perceptions of the threat of terrorism among the Swedish public. Part Five explains the political climate surrounding minority communities and counter-terrorism in Sweden, and how political parties have addressed issues concerning migration, citizenship, security and terrorism. Though Swedish politics has historically been characterised by consensus across party lines on the subject of immigration, and such issues have not been politicised, recent years have seen the perceived importance of immigration and terrorism as political issues grow. The emergence of the Sweden Democrats -an anti-immigrant party arguing for increased political attention to Islamist extremism and the ‘threat’ posed by Muslim communities- in Parliament has not wavered the positions of mainstream parties on these issues. However, this section notes that the climate has become much harsher and the ‘tough on crime’ card is more often played in election campaigns, and immigrants and Muslim communities in particular are often presented as ‘problem’ communities in this respect. This shift in climate has significantly impacted ethnic and religious minorities in Sweden, and has had a particularly negative impact on Muslim communities, who have increasingly become the victims of suspicion and hatred, manifested in discrimination and violence. This report draws upon existing research on the Swedish population, the development of migrant and minority communities, and in particular Muslim communities. It refers to official government communications and external analyses to paint a picture of the legal and policy approaches to counter-terrorism and countering violent extremism in Sweden. Though there are Ombudsman statistics available on mistreatment by the police, and there has been some recent research to better understand attitudes and discriminatory behaviour within the police, more work must be done to assess the relationship between minority communities and the police. There has been little research directly on the impacts of counter-terrorism measures on Muslim communities in Sweden, and this report lays the groundwork for future inquiries on this issue. Given the existing state of research, it is, however, clear that through a combination of persistent socio-economic disadvantage, shifts in the political climate on security and migrant communities, the occurrence of Sweden’s first suicide bombing by an Islamist extremist, and increased government attention paid to Islamist extremism in Sweden, Muslim communities in Sweden have increasingly been subject both to suspicion and discrimination. Details: London: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2012. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 5, 2012 at: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Sweden_paper_SF_FINAL.docx.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Sweden URL: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Sweden_paper_SF_FINAL.docx.pdf Shelf Number: 126884 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism (Sweden)MinoritiesRacial DiscriminationRadical GroupsRadicalizationRight-Wing ViolenceSocio-Economic ConditionsTerrorists |
Author: Sekgwama, Jackson John Title: Recommendations for Making Anti-Poaching Programs more Effective in the Southern African Region Through the Analysis of Key Variables Impacting upon the Poaching of Elephants in Botswana Summary: The escalation of poaching in Botswana forced the leadership to deploy its military in addressing this problem. The use of the military in the fight of poaching experienced multiple challenges both at operational and tactical level. The military was deployed in this campaign as a quasi-political decision, thought to be a quick remedy to the poaching dilemma in Botswana. The quasi-political aspect has omitted creation of a national strategy that could comprehensively address the poaching dillema in Botswana and the southern African region, especially that most of the poachers originated from outside the country. Although on one hand it could be argued that the BDF is positively addressing the poaching problem, on the other, it could also be argued that the lack of a clear policy on anti-poaching has hampered the mission. The inefficiency of these campaigns is demonstrated by continued poaching activities in Botswana. This experience has resulted in the realization that Botswana needs to rethink and redefine its national strategy on anti-poaching in order to increase the effectiveness of the intervention means and ways. The national instruments of power need to be comprehensively integrated, synchronized, and harmonized with a view to provide unity of effort in the operational environment to achieve the end state. Once developed, Botswana then needs to work with its neighbors (Zambia and Zimbabwe) in order to ensure that its strategy is effective. Details: Fort Leavenworth, KS: U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2012. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Master's Essay: Accessed November 27, 2012 at: http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA562969 Year: 2012 Country: Africa URL: http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA562969 Shelf Number: 127011 Keywords: Animal Poaching (Botswana, Africa)CorruptionElephantsSocio-Economic ConditionsWildlife Crime |
Author: Camilleri, Raphaelle Title: Impact of Counter-Terrorism on Communities: France Background Report Summary: This report aims to provide an overview of French counter-terrorist and counter-radicalisation policies, and assess their potential impact on the Muslim community in France. Part One focuses on the demographic composition and socioeconomic profile of the French Muslim community; the largest such community in the European Union. It finds that the Muslim community has generally tended to be marginalised in socioeconomic terms in relation to the mainstream French population, and that Muslims frequently report higher rates of discrimination than other immigrant communities in France. This broad finding helps inform subsequent sections, which look specifically at perceived discrimination by French police and security services on the basis of racial or ethnic origin. Part Two focuses on the legal framework within which French counter-terrorism policy is anchored. It reviews the development of counter-terrorist legislation since the mid-1980s, and explains how French legislation has evolved in recent years to tackle the new challenges posed by novel forms of terrorism. This section of the report also outlines the key pieces of legislation governing the operation of law enforcement and intelligence agencies involved in the fight against terrorism in France. It concludes by providing an overview of the main constitutional and institutional mechanisms which place checks and balances on the operation of the police agencies responsible for implementing counter-terrorist policies. Part Three of the report focuses on the law-enforcement agencies responsible for enacting counterterrorist policies ‘on the ground’. It provides a comprehensive list of the key government departments, as well as policing and intelligence agencies, involved in the fight against terrorism, and assesses the nature of their (often troubled) relationship with affected communities. Although more research is needed in this area, initial findings seem to suggest that Muslim communities generally perceive themselves to be unfairly targeted by the police on the basis of their ethnic or religious background. In light of these circumstances, In light of these circumstances, this section of the report also outlines official guidelines on non-discrimination and lists the various governmental and non-governmental institutions charged with protecting the rights of citizens. Part Four of the report looks at the broader security context within which counter-terrorist policies and legislation have been formulated in France. It critically assesses the extent of the terrorist threat in France, both in real and perceived terms. Two significant findings emerge. Firstly, despite the focus on religiouslymotivated Islamist terrorism since 2001, separatism terrorism carried out by Basque and Corsican nationalist groups continues to be the most pressing threat posed to the French state. Secondly, despite the initial trauma caused by Mohammed Merah’s killing spree, French public opinion nevertheless deems the terrorist threat to be quite low, suggesting that the French public does not regard terrorism as a pressing threat. Part Five builds on these initial observations by focusing on the way in which French political parties have framed the terrorist threat (particularly that emanating from suspected Islamists) especially in the aftermath of the Toulouse and Montauban shootings. It examines the impact of the shootings on the presidential race, but finds little evidence that they had any bearing on the final outcome of the election. Nevertheless, the strong performance of the far-right movement of Marine Le Pen (Front National) at the polls is underlined, but it is balanced against the conciliatory tone recently adopted by the left-wing government of François Hollande on security issues. Throughout this report, existing research by academic institutions, think tanks and government bodies on the impact of counter-terrorism policies on the Muslim community is referenced when relevant. Notable gaps in the literature are also highlighted, along with recommendations for further research. A full bibliography is provided for reference at the end of the document, as is an exhaustive list of academics, researchers, policymakers and civil society organisations, which may make a substantial contribution to future research in this area. Details: London: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2012. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2012 at: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Country_report_France_SF_FINAL.pdf Year: 2012 Country: France URL: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Country_report_France_SF_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 127033 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism (France)MinoritiesMuslimsRacial DiscriminationRadical GroupsRadicalizationRight-Wing ViolenceSocio-Economic ConditionsTerrorism |
Author: Streicher, Ruth Title: The Construction of Masculinities and Violence: „Youth Gangs“ in Dili, East Timor Summary: It was the sudden resurgence of violence in 2006 that brought Southeast Asia’s newest nation – East Timor – back to the forefront of public attention, and spotlighted the role of youth gangs as main perpetrators of street violence in East Timor’s capital Dili. Based on fieldwork conducted in 2007, this paper challenges conventional myths about an aggressive East Timorese ‘youth bulge’ by using theoretical notions on the construction of masculinities and violence as tools for analysis. The paper will portray gangs against the structural background of major socio-economic transformations accelerated by the international intervention and experiences of violence during Indonesian occupation as active agents strategically using violence as resource for (identity) politics. Details: Berlin: Freie Universitat Berlin, Center for Middle Eastern and North African Policies, 2011. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 2: Accessed June 21, 2013 at: http://www.polsoz.fu-berlin.de/polwiss/forschung/international/vorderer-orient/publikation/WP_serie/WP2_Streicher_FINAL_web.pdf?1367710157 Year: 2011 Country: East Timor URL: http://www.polsoz.fu-berlin.de/polwiss/forschung/international/vorderer-orient/publikation/WP_serie/WP2_Streicher_FINAL_web.pdf?1367710157 Shelf Number: 129123 Keywords: Juvenile OffendersSocio-Economic ConditionsViolenceYouth Gangs (East Timor) |
Author: Western, Bruce Title: Stress and Hardship After Prison Summary: The historic increase in U.S. incarceration rates made the transition from prison to community common for poor, prime-age men and women. Leaving prison presents the challenge of social integration - of connecting with family, finding housing, and a means of subsistence. We study variation in social integration in the first months after prison release with data from the Boston Reentry Study, a unique panel survey of 122 newly-released prisoners. The data indicate severe material hardship immediately after incarceration. Over half of sample respondents were unemployed, two-thirds received public assistance, and many relied on female relatives for financial support and housing. Older respondents and those with histories of addiction and mental illness were the least socially integrated with weak family ties, unstable housing, and low levels of employment. Qualitative interviews show that anxiety and feelings of isolation accompanied extreme material insecurity. Material insecurity combined with the adjustment to social life outside prison creates a stress of transition that burdens social relationships in high-incarceration communities. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 2014. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 9, 2015 at: http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/brucewestern/files/trans08.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/brucewestern/files/trans08.pdf Shelf Number: 135200 Keywords: EX-OffendersPrisoner Reentry (U.S.)Socio-economic ConditionsUrban Areas |
Author: Southern Africa Resource Watch Title: The High Cost of Congolese Gold: Poverty, Abuse and the Collapse of Family and Community Structures Summary: In its first ground breaking research report into artisanal gold mining in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the Southern Africa Resource Watch (SARW) demonstrated how the industry had been transformed in recent years - moving from Conflict Gold to Criminal Gold. Based on unprecedented research in communities in the four main gold producing provinces (North-Kivu, South-Kivu, Maniema and Oriental), the report concluded that artisanal miners were now being preyed upon by a host of state bureaucrats, officials and security officers rather than warlords and militias - and that they were, in many cases, even worse off than before. In this second report, The High Cost of Congolese Gold: Poverty, Abuse and the Collapse of Family and Community Structures, SARW focuses on the lives of the miners and their families - highlighting how hundreds of thousands of people live in grinding poverty in the midst of the richest mineral resources in the DRC, as corrupt political, military, commercial and traditional elites syphon off most of the funds that should be fuelling socio-economic growth and development. With an estimated 30 million ounces of gold reserves in eastern DRC, mining communities should be thriving but instead they are being torn apart by poverty, abuse, alcoholism and violence, which are destroying community and family structures and leaving many people in a perpetual state of near-starvation. In this environment, the most vulnerable - particularly women and girls - suffer daily violence, exploitation, neglect and abuse. From the hundreds of interviews with women, girls and boys that SARW researchers conducted during ten months in the field, some key facts emerged: Most women, including married mothers, have to struggle on their own for survival. Many are forced to fend for themselves from far too early in life and often end up married and pregnant long before reaching full maturity. Large numbers are victims of sexual, physical and mental abuse. Many are abandoned by their husbands or forced to accept bigamous relationships. Few girls complete their education; When boys reach the age of 10-12, they are usually expected to fend for themselves, especially as their parents are often too poor to continue caring for them. This forces them to start working on gold mining sites rather than staying in school. Many boys assist in the washing of gold ore, while stronger boys can find work as carriers or even as diggers. However, the majority just scrounge for gold dust in tailings, or in abandoned or inactive mining sites; and The traditional and tribal governance and mediation mechanisms have broken down. Traditional leaders, known as Bwami are now often merely another elite that preys on the artisanal community. Women and girls very rarely seek help or redress from them since they expect that they will not receive assistance but merely become the victims of more corrupt demands - the same reason why they seldom seek redress through the formal judicial system. If women do seek non-family interventions, it is usually from the councils of wise men that still appear to function in most communities. The SARW researchers also discovered devastating levels of tension and friction between gold mining husbands and their wives. The key disagreement concerns the question of whether gold mining is a valid livelihood. Most men are not interested in considering this question, preferring to enjoy the financial windfalls they receive on the rare occasions that they manage to find some gold. However, the overwhelming majority of women offer well-founded social, economic, health and security reasons why their husbands should abandon gold mining altogether. And the situation is only likely to get worse. Many artisanal miners are hoping to obtain employment with one of the international mining communities that are now gearing up to start industrial gold production in eastern DRC. However, industrial mining requires less manpower. In addition, most artisanal miners lack marketable skills and exhibit very poor work habits. For these reasons, a very large percentage of the artisanal gold miners, who currently operate on territories that are licensed to international mining companies, are unlikely to gain permanent employment once industrial mining begins. In fact, artisanal miners and their families will increasingly be viewed as illegal squatters. Companies that are planning (and are legally obliged) to pump hundreds of millions of dollars into their mining operations will insist on unencumbered access to the gold deposits on their concessions. Consequently, artisanal miners will be pushed towards areas with deposits of lesser and lesser value - until they are eventually made to leave the concession areas altogether. Currently, the inevitability of this outcome is as certain as the lack of any preparations to mitigate it. Details: Rosebank, South Africa: SARW, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 19, 2016 at: http://www.osisa.org/sites/default/files/high_cost_of_congolese_gold.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic URL: http://www.osisa.org/sites/default/files/high_cost_of_congolese_gold.pdf Shelf Number: 140361 Keywords: Conflict MineralsGold MiningNatural ResourcesSocio-Economic Conditions |
Author: LeBaron, Genevieve Title: Confronting root causes: forced labour in global supply chains Summary: It is by now widely recognised that effectively tackling forced labour in the global economy means addressing its 'root causes'. Policymakers, business leaders and civil society organisations all routinely call for interventions that do so.[Yet what exactly are these root causes? And how do they operate? The two most commonly given answers are 'poverty' and 'globalisation'.[Although each may be foundational to forced labour, both terms are typically used in nebulous, catch-all ways that serve more as excuses than explanations. Both encompass and obscure a web of decisions and processes that maintain an unjust status quo, while being used as euphemisms for deeper socio-economic structures that lie at the core of the capitalist global economy. The question thus becomes: exactly which aspects of poverty and globalisation are responsible for the endemic labour exploitation frequently described with the terms forced labour, human trafficking or modern slavery? Which global economic processes ensure a constant and low-cost supply of highly exploitable and coerced workers? And which dynamics trigger a demand among businesses for their exploitation, making it possible for them to profit from it? This 12-part report is an attempt to answer these questions in a rigorous yet accessible way. With it, we hope to provide policymakers, journalists, scholars and activists with a road map for understanding the political economy of forced labour in todays "global value chain (GVC) world". Details: s.l.: Open Democracy; Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute, 2019. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 1, 2019 at: https://cdn-prod.opendemocracy.net/media/documents/Confronting_Root_Causes_Forced_Labour_In_Global_Supply_Chains.pdf Year: 2019 Country: International URL: https://cdn-prod.opendemocracy.net/media/documents/Confronting_Root_Causes_Forced_Labour_In_Global_Supply_Chains.pdf Shelf Number: 155589 Keywords: Forced Labor Human Rights Abuses Human Trafficking Modern Slavery Poverty Socio-Economic ConditionsSupply Chains |
Author: European Parliament. Directorate-General for Internal Policies. Policy Department A Economic and Scientific Policy Title: The Role of the Social Protections as Economic Stabiliser: Lessons from the Current Crisis Summary: Social protection, in particular unemployment benefits, minimum income support and progressive taxation, have significantly contributed to reducing the depth and the duration of the current recession in EU Member States and to stabilising labour markets and consumption. Not only does social protection provide a safety net for those groups which have been hit hardest by the crisis, it has also a stabilising effect on the overall demand for goods and services produced in the economy. Discretionary action in the field of social and labour market policy, pursued in most European economies, included a broad range of measures, such as employment incentives, higher benefits and increased transfers to low-income households. Further action, however, is needed to overcome inequalities in access to social protection faced by non- standard workers, and in designing a suitable exit strategy from discretionary stimulus in order to limit the fiscal constraints generated by anti-crisis policies. Details: Brussels: Author, 2010. 186p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 15, 2019 at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/etudes/join/2010/451484/IPOL-EMPL_ET(2010)451484_EN.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/etudes/join/2010/451484/IPOL-EMPL_ET(2010)451484_EN.pdf Shelf Number: 155855 Keywords: Social Protection Socio-Economic Conditions |